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77) Within a decade of the 1798 Rebellion and Emmet’s uprising, Smith registers the mounting fear that legislative stagnation will canalize the desperation of the oppressed into retribution rather than political reform. Both advocacy and irritation continued their competition for ‘public opinion’; cultural debates intensified while legislative action stalled. Grattan brought motions forward in the House of Commons in May 1810 and May 1811, but they were soundly defeated. His efforts were made more difficult by a division among Catholics over whether to accept a proposed security that would grant the crown a ‘veto’ over the appointment of Catholic bishops.

Were depicted as the product of an unreformed system of education that bred anti-Catholic and anti-Semitic prejudice in the nursery (285). Burke’s 1790 image of the French revolutionaries as a ‘swinish multitude’ misguided by ‘literary caballers’ and ‘theological politicians’ in Reflections on the Revolution in France (173, 93) was structured by his Miltonic vision of the 1780 rioters as a ‘bigoted multitude’ enflamed by ‘obscure clubs’ and ‘conspirators … of little importance’ diabolically raised ‘to a degree of evil eminence’ (‘Speech’ 161, 151, 143–4).

The resources for the return, however, consist in cultural memories – the very woundedness and ruin of Greek culture. No resource for this revival is more potent than the landscape’s ruins, and Byron seeks to unleash the power of their recalcitrant memories. Greek architectural ruins remain vocal, and their very persistence is subversive testimony. 828). With religious diction, his adoration intensifies before the Parthenon, as does the possibility that the haunting spirit of the past might return: Yet to the remnants of thy splendour past Shall pilgrims, pensive, but unwearied, throng; Let such approach this consecrated land, And pass in peace along the magic waste: But spare its relics—let no busy hand Deface the scenes, already how defac’d!

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