By Mir Bahmanyar
Following the Soviet invasion in 1979, the Mujahideen defenders of Afghanistan built and strengthened many common cave platforms to take advantage of as provide bases and protective positions. The Taliban and Al Qaeda extra built those positions in the course of the Nineteen Nineties. Following the occasions of September eleven, 2001, those cave platforms have once again come to prominence and websites similar to Tora Bora ("Black Dust," a chain of person caves) and Zhawar Kili (a huge advanced in japanese Afghanistan) have featured in information headlines worldwide. This identify presents an in depth research and visible documentation of those caves and underground structures. It additionally discusses the Coalition's tactical method of dislodging the enemy from those fortified positions.
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W. Norton, 2000, p. 18. 2 See Snyder and Karen Ballentine, “Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas,” International Security, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Fall 1996), pp. 5–40. 3 See Snyder, From Voting to Violence. See also his previous work with Edward D. Mansfield, “Democratization and the Danger of War,” International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 5–38. 10 Faultlines of Conflict in Central Asia and the South Caucasus nomic future, conflict is a possible outcome. 4 Samuel Huntington argued in the 1960s that propensity to conflict is increased by social and economic modernization, particularly when such modernization is rapid.
The chapter makes use of the literature on development economics and economic liberalization and draws on the author’s decades-long experience with the Soviet economy and more recent studies of this region and its economic development and relationships. Chapter Four tackles the issue of the pervasive presence of organized crime and the drug trade in Central Asia and South Caucasus and its consequences for the political and economic evolution of the region. The chapter addresses the ways in which the criminalization of political and economic life can have positive effects in the short term, especially in societies riddled with the political and economic problems that are present in these countries.
20 Moreover, closer ties with the United States do not appear to have driven Karimov to greater democratization. On January 27, 2002, Karimov was able to extend his presidential term from five to seven years by means of a referendum in which 91 percent of voters apparently supported the extension. 21 There are signs that other elites in the region may chose to follow Uzbekistan’s and Turkmenistan’s lead. To a lesser extent, most leaders in the region share elements of the sultanistic model, most commonly corruption (which is pervasive throughout the region) and personal leadership.